Religious Agendas Threaten Albanian Identity
Kosovo’s 'return to Christianity' narrative threatens Albanian unity, framing Islam as foreign while risking fractures in a nation defined by religious coexistence.
The recent New York Times reportage1 on the so-called "Movement of Return" in Kosovo treads on precarious ground, touching not only on religion but on the very essence of Albanian identity. As an Albanian with Muslim, Christian, and Jewish heritage, I cannot accept the implications of this narrative, which risks undermining the unity that has defined our people for centuries. It frames religious conversion as a pathway to reclaiming a pre-Islamic identity and Kosovo’s place in Europe, but in doing so, it threatens to fracture the delicate balance that holds our nation together.
For centuries, Albanians have maintained a unique relationship with religion. Unlike other Balkan nations, where religious affiliation became the cornerstone of identity, Albanians prioritised their shared language, culture, and ancestry over divisive dogmas. Pashko Vasa, a 19th-century Albanian nationalist, captured this ethos when he famously declared2, "The religion of Albanians is Albanianism." This sentiment allowed our people to transcend the sectarian conflicts that tore apart our neighbors during the Balkan wars and later in the Yugoslav disintegration. By elevating national identity above religion, we forged a sense of belonging that transcends faith, a unity that must not be eroded by revisionist narratives.
The New York Times reportage risks doing precisely that. It presents the "Movement of Return" as a cultural awakening, a rediscovery of Kosovo’s pre-Islamic past. However, this framing veers perilously close to advocating religious supremacy. By portraying Christianity as a marker of Europeanness and modernity, while casting Islam as foreign or regressive, it implicitly delegitimises the faith of the overwhelming majority of Kosovars. This not only stigmatises Albanians who believe in Islam but also sets a dangerous precedent: it suggests that national identity is incomplete without adherence to a particular religion.
Such a narrative is profoundly harmful. It risks alienating Albanian Muslims, who may feel their faith and cultural identity are being delegitimised. This could deepen divisions within Kosovo and across the Albanian diaspora, where religious tolerance has long been a source of pride. Worse, it plays directly into the hands of those who seek to exploit religious differences for political gain. Aggressive Serbia, aligned with the Kremlin3 and still refusing to recognise Kosovo's independence while maintaining its claim to Kosovo in its constitution, consistently works to destabilise Kosovo and its society. Employing tactics reminiscent of Russia’s "green men" strategy during the annexation of Crimea, Serbia has a vested interest in sowing discord among Albanians4. Although the article provides no evidence of Serbian involvement in the conversion campaigns, and fails to explore the widespread suspicions voiced by many Albanians, including members of Kosovo's intelligence community, the mere insinuation risks inflaming tensions and diverting focus from the critical priorities of Kosovo’s international recognition and development.
The portrayal of Islam as a potential vector for extremism further complicates matters. The article cites concerns about funding from Turkey and Middle Eastern countries and references Kosovo’s disproportionate number of Islamic State recruits. While these issues warrant discussion, linking them to the broader practice of Islam in Kosovo, the article perpetuates harmful stereotypes and obscures the fact that most Kosovars practice a moderate, inclusive form of Islam. The streets of Pristina, lined with bars and largely devoid of veiled women, are a testament to this cultural pluralism. To conflate this with extremism is both inaccurate and unfair.
Moreover, the narrative of a "return" to Christianity as a reclaiming of pre-Islamic identity is deeply problematic from a historical perspective. While it is true that Christianity predated Islam in Kosovo, so too did paganism. If the logic of the "Movement of Return" were applied consistently, as some historians have pointed out, Albanians would need to revert to ancient Illyrian practices to achieve true historical authenticity. This exposes the movement’s central contradiction: it is less about history and more about contemporary political aspirations. By invoking a selective reading of the past, proponents of the movement seek to align Kosovo with Europe and distance it from the Islamic world. But in doing so, they risk rewriting history in a way that marginalises large segments of the population.
The harms of this narrative extend beyond Kosovo. Albanians in Albania, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and the diaspora have long celebrated their religious diversity as a strength. From the Catholics of Shkodra to the Bektashi Muslims of Elbasan and the Jews of Berat, Albanians have demonstrated that faith need not divide us. Introducing a hierarchy of religions undermines this harmony and threatens to export sectarian tensions to communities that have long been bastions of coexistence.
This movement also risks fuelling external misconceptions about Albanians. The West often views the Balkans through a reductive lens of religious and ethnic conflict, and the New York Times reportage does little to challenge this. By foregrounding a narrative of religious conversion, it reinforces the idea that Albanian identity is fragmented, driven by competing allegiances rather than united by shared values. This is not only misleading but also detrimental to Kosovo’s aspirations for European integration, which depend on presenting a cohesive, inclusive national identity.
As an Albanian, I cannot accept a narrative that pits religion against nationhood, that prioritises one faith over another, and that threatens to unravel the unity that has been our greatest strength. We must resist the temptation to rewrite history for political expediency and reaffirm the principles that have sustained us through centuries of upheaval. Our identity is not Muslim, Christian, or Jewish, it is Albanian. And that identity is far too valuable to be sacrificed at the altar of religious or political agendas.
A Move Toward Christianity Stirs in a Muslim Land — The New York Times.
'Oh Albania Poor Albania' by Pashko Vasa — National Literary Trust.